U.S. push to acquire Greenland marks break with postwar identity

The U.S. president’s push to acquire Greenland marks a historic break with America’s postwar identity and rattles NATO’s foundations.

US President Donald Trump speaks during a reception for business leaders at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, on January 21, 2026. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
US President Donald Trump speaks during a reception for business leaders at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, on January 21, 2026. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Trump threatens to seize Greenland, a move that would have been almost unthinkable in Washington for most of the past century and one that is now forcing allies to confront a startling reversal of America’s role in the world.

When President Harry S. Truman helped forge NATO at the dawn of the Cold War, the alliance was built on a simple premise: the United States would stand against territorial conquest, not practice it. Nearly eight decades later, that assumption has been shaken by President Donald Trump’s willingness to use economic coercion — and openly leave military force on the table — to press allies into surrendering land they do not want to give up.

In doing so, Mr. Trump is pushing the United States into unfamiliar and deeply unsettling territory: that of a power prepared to threaten its own treaty partners for the purpose of expanding its domain.

An unprecedented threat against allies

Never in modern American history has a president sought to acquire the territory of a close ally against its will. Since World War I, the United States has consistently defined itself as a bulwark against conquest — fighting Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, the Soviet Union, North Korea, Iraq, and more recently supporting Ukraine against Russia’s invasion.

Now, as Trump threatens to seize Greenland, America is being compared — uncomfortably — to the very powers it once opposed.

Greenland, a self-governing territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, is home to just 57,000 people. Polls and public demonstrations show overwhelming opposition among Greenlanders to becoming part of the United States. Denmark has repeatedly stated it has no legal authority to sell the territory even if it wanted to.

That has not deterred Mr. Trump.

“We are going to do something on Greenland whether they like it or not,” he told reporters this month. Aboard Air Force One days later, he was even more explicit: “One way or the other, we’re going to have Greenland.”

From persuasion to pressure

Mr. Trump’s advisers have tried to soften the message. Jeff Landry, the Louisiana governor recently named as Mr. Trump’s special envoy on Greenland, insisted on Fox News that the administration was not trying to conquer anyone.

“We represent liberty. We represent economic strength. We represent protection,” Mr. Landry said.

But the president’s own words tell a different story — one of pressure, not persuasion. Over the weekend, Mr. Trump vowed to punish European countries that support Denmark by raising tariffs on their exports, signaling that economic pain would follow political resistance.

When Norway’s prime minister sought dialogue, Mr. Trump refused to engage. Instead, he sent a blunt text message invoking his disappointment over not receiving the Nobel Peace Prize and declaring that he no longer felt obliged to “think purely of peace.”

The message underscored how personal grievance has become entangled with geopolitics.

Security claims that raise questions

Mr. Trump argues that American control of Greenland is necessary for national security. His logic is simple: Russia or China might someday take the island, so the United States must act first.

Yet there is no evidence that either Moscow or Beijing is preparing to seize Greenland. The only country openly threatening the territory at present is the United States itself.

Moreover, under a 1951 defense agreement with Denmark, Washington already enjoys extensive military access to Greenland. The United States could deploy additional forces or reopen closed bases almost immediately — without owning the island.

During Mr. Trump’s previous years in office, he did not treat Greenland as an urgent security vulnerability. Critics say that undercuts the claim that the threat is imminent.

A fixation rooted in ambition

Instead, Mr. Trump’s interest appears deeply personal.

In a 2021 interview, he compared Greenland to a prime piece of real estate. “I love maps,” he said. “You take a look at a map … it’s massive. That should be part of the United States.”

More recently, he was even more direct. Asked why ownership mattered more than security cooperation, Mr. Trump said it was “psychologically needed for success.” When pressed on whether that psychological need was national or personal, he replied: “Psychologically important for me.”

That admission has fueled alarm among diplomats and lawmakers who see the issue less as strategy than as ego.

The origins of the idea

Mr. Trump’s fascination with Greenland reportedly began years ago, encouraged by the billionaire Ronald S. Lauder, a longtime friend. During his first term, Mr. Trump ordered his national security team to explore buying the island.

John R. Bolton, then his national security adviser, concluded that an outright purchase was unrealistic. Instead, his team proposed expanding military cooperation to satisfy the president’s interest without crossing legal or diplomatic red lines.

Mr. Trump was not satisfied.

He floated increasingly radical ideas, including using federal funds earmarked for Puerto Rico to buy Greenland — and at one point, according to former officials, even suggested trading Puerto Rico for the island.

When news of the plan leaked in 2019, Denmark rejected it outright. Many assumed the matter was closed.

They were wrong.

A revived threat, this time with force implied

After returning to office, Mr. Trump revived the issue with new intensity. In December, he declared acquisition of Greenland “an absolute necessity,” this time pointedly refusing to rule out military force.

Initially, Danish leaders tried to keep the issue quiet, hoping not to provoke escalation. That strategy collapsed when Mr. Trump renewed his threats and allies began to speak out.

Denmark and other European nations have since increased their military presence in Greenland, holding joint exercises meant to reinforce deterrence — not against Russia, but implicitly against American coercion.

The shift has been jarring.

Suddenly, the United States — not Moscow — is viewed as the most likely NATO member to seize allied territory.

Public backlash and global repercussions

The backlash has spread beyond diplomatic circles.

At an NBA game in London over the weekend, a fan shouted, “Leave Greenland alone!” drawing applause. Protesters in Denmark and Greenland marched through snowy streets chanting, “Yankee, go home!”

Russian officials, meanwhile, have openly welcomed the discord. Kirill Dmitriev, a Kremlin negotiator, mocked what he called the “collapse of the transatlantic union.”

The irony has not been lost on European leaders: a policy meant to enhance Western security may be strengthening its adversaries.

A broader pattern of territorial disregard

Greenland is not an isolated case.

Mr. Trump has also threatened to make Canada the “51st state,” asserted U.S. control over Venezuela’s oil after a failed attempt to seize its president, and floated the idea of reclaiming the Panama Canal.

Together, these statements reflect a worldview sharply at odds with America’s postwar doctrine of respecting borders and sovereignty.

That contradiction is especially striking given Mr. Trump’s own words at the United Nations in 2017, when he invoked “sovereignty” more than 20 times and called for respect for borders from Ukraine to the South China Sea.

Today, he argues that the only limits on his power are “my own morality” and “my own mind.”

Even within his own party, discomfort is growing.

Senator Thom Tillis, a Republican from North Carolina, wrote that pushing to seize allied territory was “beyond stupid,” blaming a small group of advisers for driving the policy.

Legal experts also note that Mr. Trump has articulated no legitimate doctrine under international law to justify seizing Greenland — particularly from a NATO ally.

Greenland has been part of Denmark longer than the United States has existed. Multiple treaties, including agreements signed by Washington itself, explicitly recognize Danish sovereignty over the island.

A sharp contrast with Truman

Ironically, Mr. Trump is not the first American president to consider buying Greenland. In 1946, Truman quietly offered Denmark $100 million in gold.

When Denmark declined, Truman accepted the answer.

He did not threaten tariffs. He did not suggest invasion. He moved on.

That contrast may be the most telling measure of how far U.S. policy has shifted — and how deeply Trump threatening to seize Greenland has unsettled the foundations of the transatlantic alliance.

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